THE SERVICE OF THE ARMY IN CIVIL LIFE AFTER THE WAR.



Excerpted from "Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society, 1911-1912", Edited by Geo.

W. Martin, Secretary. Vol XII., State Printing Office, Topeka, Kansas 1912, pages 14- 24.



submitted by Teresa Lindquist (merope@radix.net); (copyright) 2002 by Teresa Lindquist



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THE SERVICE OF THE ARMY IN CIVIL LIFE AFTER THE WAR.



Address delivered by Hon. WILLIAM A. CALDERHEAD (1) before the Kansas State Historical

Society, at its thirty-sixth annual meeting, December 5, 1911.



THE only time I ever spoke in this hall was from that high place up there; and the hall and the

gallery were packed full of people trying to see how those of us who where defeated for the

United States senate were taking our medicine.  We had to stand up there one at a time.



I did not come to make an oration, but to say a few things to you concerning the work of the

soldier in civil life after the war.  When we came in Comrade Smith took a look over the room. 

He knows most of you; and he said, "They look like the makers of history."  When I look at you I

realize how much there is in what he said.  Your faces look like the men and women who have

made history, who have lived during the time when great history was made, and in a very recent

time, too.  I will not attempt to recite much history to you I mean much of the history of Kansas

and of Kansas soldiers.  Much of it has already been compiled, especially since the time of the

librarian and secretary, Mr. Martin.  I have some familiarity with the work of historical societies

in different parts of the country, and I have taken a great deal of satisfaction in the fact that the

last few volumes of the Kansas Historical Society are among the best published in the United

States.  



When the war was over, when its work was done, and the surrender made at Appomattox, and

Meade started on his day's march toward Washington, General Grant hastened up to the capital,

starting the same day the surrender took place, for the purpose of attending to the closing up of

the war, furnishing supplies and beginning the work of mustering out the army.  He spent that

night on the way, and the next day in the War Department issuing his orders.  In the afternoon he

and his wife started to visit their children, who were at school at Burlington, N.J., and that night

the assassination of Abraham Lincoln occurred.  Within a short time after that Sheridan, stopping

only forty-eight hours in Washington, was on his way to Texas to take command of the

department and of the troops that were down there, but chiefly for the purpose of seeing that the

French invasion of Mexico did not go any further.



Almost immediately after the inauguration of Andrew Johnson the problem of reconstruction

came on, and within a very brief time military governors were appointed over the military

districts of the South for the purpose of obtaining order and the establishment of civil

government in true relation to the United States.  It is worth while to recall for a moment the

condition of the states that had been in rebellion.  The soldiers that had served the Confederacy

were returning to the homes; the men who had led them were going back, sullen and ugly in

temper, feeling the bitterness of defeat, going to their ruined plantations, wondering what was to

become of them.  Some of them, conscious of their relation to the Confederacy, were wondering

how far punishment might follow them.  Some of them were hunting their way out of the United

States to escape any punishment that might be attempted.  The emancipated negroes still living

about the old plantations nobody knew what they might attempt to do.  The loyal people in the

Confederate states did not know how to begin the organization of their states, and waited for the

government of the United States.  It was the volunteer soldier who had served during the Civil

War who took charge of these military districts and began to show the way to order and to

government.



Not long after that the great army came to Washington for the grand review and to be mustered

out and hurried home.  The world has never witnessed another scene like it a million victorious

men, with guns on their shoulders, with commanders they loved, who had given the best years of

their youth to the hardest service, who had in four years fought on two thousand, two hundred

and sixty-five battle fields; who never stopped to inquire whether there was to be any reward,

whether there was to be any bounty, or even a pension, for those who were injured in such a

service.  They hurried home to the hearthstones that they had left, to the farms and the firesides,

to the stores where they had toiled, where they had commenced life before they enlisted to all the

occupations they had been engaged in expecting to take them up where they had left off.  Now

this was almost impossible.  It is difficult for us now, with all the great machinery of business

that we have around us, to understand the isolated life of each community at that time.  I do not

know of any way to show you just what I mean except to refer to the neighborhood from which I

went.  



When I was a boy, from the time I was eight or nine years old until I was sixteen, my father was a

country preacher with a congregation worshipping in a country church, and we lived on a little

farm.  A Scotch-Irish congregation lived around it.  Much of the business in our district, which

was made up of nearly all that Scotch-Irish congregation and was called Ireland, was carried on

only with one another, and we believed in ourselves, and we did not believe in any other district.



Right across the ridge, two or three miles south of us, was a district composed of Pennsylvania

Dutch, from Berks county; and we thought they were aliens and heathen, and we had very little

intercourse with them.  In the fall of the year, when the winter school opened, when the day came

for the big boys to go to school, it was our duty to go to the other side of the ridge and whip every

Dutchman we could find; and sometimes we got whipped.  They were born in this country, they

lived on their own domain, and knew we had no right to molest them.  But we did not go over to

their side for any other business; we did not go there for any other purpose.  We traded with the

people who belonged to our church.  Why, I never heard a Methodist minister preach until I had

been in the army several months.  I never was in any other church except our own Scotch

Presbyterian church until after the war.  It would not have been right.  They might be very good

people, those who worshipped in other churches, but it was very doubtful what would become of

them hereafter, and it was not worth while to be familiar.



Up to that time all the shoes that were worn in the family were made in the town close by. 

Nobody thought of buying the shoes that were made in the factory, and there were none except

now and then in the big stores in the larger towns.  This was not far from Lancaster, Ohio.  But it

was so all over the country; in every state the communities lived to themselves.  Most of the boys

who enlisted with the United States were from a school district or from a little country

congregation, and their own community was their United States.  They went for the preservation

of its constitution and the enforcement of its laws and the integrity of all the history they had

studied in their school books or that they had learned at their firesides.  The first fight in the

army, when you touched elbows with each other, made you see that all your idea that the

Catholics could not be good men, or that a Methodist or a Baptist could not be a good man just

as good a man as a Presbyterian was wrong.  When we came back from the first encounter we

that it did n't make much difference what church a man belonged to if he had the heart and the

soul to do his duty.  When we came back home we were thinking about a great country, not this

country nor that country, but the country we had marched over from the Mississippi to the sea,

from the Potomac to the Atlantic.  We had measured it; we knew something about it.



We came back to our neighborhoods and began to look around for employment.  It was only a

short time until we found that life at home set a little bit close, and we wanted room.  We wanted

an opportunity to do things, and we started for it.  In five years after the war closed I think

seventy-five thousand old soldiers came to Kansas.  They filled the state; they occupied her

homesteads; they built her schools and her churches; built her county seats and courthouses.  The

old soldiers began building the state without thinking about what a great state it should be.  They

were simply doing the thing that lay before them.



Now, another thing; these boys had learned without knowing it the value of organization; they

had learned its force and its power.  Their captains and their lieutenants and their sergeants were

with them, men who had commanded and directed them on the most arduous fields of duty, and

they were their neighbors.  Naturally they began to associate together for the purposes of their

social life and government.  The same thing happened not merely in Kansas, but in Nebraska in

fact, in all the states west of the Missouri river.  The states east of the Missouri river Iowa,

Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and the rest began to remodel their ideas, began to admit in their public

affairs the force which the army had in its organization everywhere.



For forty years after the war closed the men who fought the battles for the preservation of the

Union did the work of its civil life.  In every school district the school board were old soldiers; in

every township the township board was composed of old soldiers; in every county the county

commissioners, and most of the other officers, were old soldiers.  Every legislature that met was

filled with old soldiers.  Down, I think, to the time of Governor Stanley, nearly every governor of

Kansas was an old soldier.(2) In Congress and in the national life the same thing went on; the old

soldier directed the work of Congress for thirty-four years.  Except one four years of time,

Andrew Johnson's administration, every president of the United States from the close of the

Civil War down to the election of Roosevelt, except Cleveland, had been a soldier.  They guided

the political life of the country during that time.  And they did a great deal more.  They rebuilt the

civil life of the nation, for it was the civil engineers of the Army of the Potomac who found the

path for the railways across the mountains.  It was the same civil engineers who planned the line

of battle at Chickamauga, who later found the way for the Union Pacific over the desert and the

mountains.  It was these men who had commanded, the captains, the lieutenants and others, who

were the directors, and it was the men who had shouldered muskets and obeyed orders that

carried on this great work of building the railroads to the Pacific.  They tore open the wilderness

from the Atlantic to the Pacific as they tore open the Confederacy to the sea.



In the older parts of the United States captains and lieutenants and private soldiers began the

work of organization for the business of the country.  Nearly every manufacturing establishment

in this country had at its head some man who had commanded men in the field.  It is surprising

how much of the great work of the crucial life of the country was organized by the soldiers, by

the men who learned discipline during the Civil War.  It is rather difficult to recall, just from

memory, but if I can I will mention a few names.  Charles Du Par was a Massachusetts soldier.  I

watched him as hour after hour he worked with tiny little strips of leather, and finally made the

welt that goes in the welt shoes.  Arthur Bumpas was another soldier from the same regiment,

and he was very busy tinkering with the model of the machine that drove brass tacks into the

soles of shoes.  These two men became manufacturers after the war and leaders of the shoe

industry.  Allen Goodyear was a private soldier in the ranks. Twenty years afterwards he was at

the head of the great Goodyear Rubber Company.  David Reed, a soldier from Pennsylvania,

invented the buckle that is used on Arctic overshoes.  Almost immediately after he was mustered

out he was taken into an establishment in Philadelphia that began the manufacture of the Arctic

overshoe.  The industry grew just because of the invention.



A veteran, who I think was David Braun, a captain in one of the Pennsylvania regiments, was the

man who came home and showed the Carnegie people some improvement in one of their great

iron works that enabled them to begin the casting of great pieces of steel.  Up to that time I think

that the largest piece of steel that had been cast at one time weighed ten thousand pounds, and the

governor of the state and the representatives of newspapers were invited to come to see that great

piece cast into a gun.  Since this invention by the captain whom I have mentioned I have seen a

piece of artillery fifty-three feet long that will shoot a shot weighing 1080 pounds thirteen miles. 

And in the shop where he set up his machinery is a hydraulic hammer that will strike a blow of

187,000 pounds to the square inch.  In that same shop a trip hammer that weighed 280,000

pounds was thrown into the scrap heap because it was no longer good enough to use.  This was

the result of the work of the inventors in the army who had been dreaming about these things

while serving in the field.  This picture I have been giving you shows some instances of what the

soldier did after the war.



Turn a little now to the public life of the country.  The personal press and the bitterness of party

politics have so often maligned our public men that there is very little correct understanding of

the work of the great men who have guided the legislation of this country through its most

difficult period.  Probably no man has been more abused during his lifetime than Senator Quay of

Pennsylvania. During his time as a soldier he commanded the One Hundred Thirty-fourth

Pennsylvania.  On account of sickness he resigned just before the army moved out to

Fredericksburg, but when he learned that the battle was to take place he was so unwilling for his

regiment to go into the fight without him that, sick man though he was, he volunteered as an aid

and served through the battle.(3) He led the regiment in the charge up Marye's Heights that day,

but nobody tells that story when they are talking about the great Pennsylvania senator.  No, the

press was very busy telling the country what a corrupt political rule he had established in his

state.  And yet all of his neighbors, and his friends, and the whole state, knew that the only rule

he ever sent to his friends at home preparing for a political contest was this: "Send nobody but

your best men to the conventions."  It was not during his time that the wicked capitol was built at

Harrisburg.



Steve Elkins, was another man whose name was never kindly mentioned in the papers.  Nobody

said anything about when he stood face to face with the enemy as a soldier.(4) It is worthwhile to

remember that it was after that time he went west and served as attorney-general and United

States district attorney of New Mexico, and he so conducted his department that every man in it

was his friend.  He was sent to Congress, and afterwards, when his term was up, he hurried east

and began the work of the organization of business.  He went into West Virginia and developed

the wilderness, filled it with little manufacturing establishments, coal mines and lumber yards,

and every man who ever came in contact with him in business was his friend.  And every man

who ever met him in politics, except those whose interest was in some opposite political party,

was his friend.  And every man knew that he was honest, and every man knew that he was a

large-hearted, patriotic man, and that he was looking to the interests of the nation in every act of

his legislation.



I doubt whether any man has been much more abused than Senator Aldrich.  He knew the needs

of the nation when he began to work for it.  He was a private soldier in Company D of the

Fourteenth Rhode Island.  He offered his life to the nation when it needed it.  For thirty-four

years he was in Congress.  His neighbors and friends believed in him from the beginning to the

end of his term of service, which he closed last year.  I think there were two terms as a member

of Congress and the balance of the time as a senator.  He was appointed as a member of the ways

and means committee in the house, and then in the senate he was a member of the finance

committee.  He served on every revision of the tariff for thirty-four years.  It was my good

fortune to be with him in the service upon the conference committee that amended the last tariff

bill; to come in close contact with him, and I know more about him by reason of that experience. 

Yes, a good man, who for thirty-four years of political battle, who for thirty-four years of the

kind of stuff that has been presented to us concerning him, never uttered a word that he could not

utter in the presence of any woman or child.  He neither drinks nor smokes nor chews nor

gambles, and he is a gentleman.  He is a Christian gentleman, and he has faith, and it is the faith

of the Christian; and he has patriotism, and it is the patriotism of a great American.



He said one afternoon when we were beginning the work of the revision of the cotton schedule:

"I have a word or two to say to the committee.  So many unkind things have been said

concerning this cotton schedule; it is said that I prepared it according to the interests of Rhode

Island and my personal interests.  It is due to the committee to understand that I do not own a

dollar's worth of stock in any manufacture that is affected by any legislation that comes before

this committee.  I disposed of all that kind of stock when I entered Congress in order that I might

never be justly accused of legislating in my own interest."  And then he said: "I have felt myself

responsible for the rates in the old law, and they were in force for two years, and were then

reduced by court decisions, and the government has lost millions of dollars by it.  I am not a

lawyer, but I have consulted the foremost experts of the custom house, able lawyers, and I have

framed the language of this schedule so that no importer can ever evade it, and I think no court

can misconstrue it.  You may make the rates higher or lower if you preserve the ratio of them and

preserve the language describing the goods.  Now, I ask you to come in to-morrow morning and

make suggestions in rates or language, just as you see proper."



Some of us worked on it until nearly morning, and we came back to the meeting of the

committee and agreed upon the terms within three minutes.  I have given you a lot of history that

is not in the papers, but just enough of it so that you may see the character of the man who has

been so bitterly misrepresented by the partisan press.  What is manifest to all is that during his

service in Congress, in all the years gone by, he has not been the instrument of any man or any

interest.  That kind of character is not made in a day.  It was built up by years of trial and

endurance.  



Friends, another man that is an instance of the soldier in the Civil War.  I heard General Alger

say at one time that when the war was over and he returned to Detroit, Mich., and took his young

wife to the hotel, he had his last month's pay, and that was all he had in the world.  After

breakfast the next morning he stepped out to the sidewalk and began to consider what he should

do for a living.  He met a friend shortly who asked him what he was pondering, and he said: "I

am thinking what I can do for a living."  The friend said: "Here is something you can do.  I have

acquired a tract of timber land, and if you will take a sawmill and cut the lumber you can do

business for both of us."  And before night he had bought a portable sawmill and had it shipped

to the place where the timber land lay.  At the time he told me this incident he was rated at four

or five million dollars, which had all been accumulated in the lumber business.  As gentle as a

woman, we often said concerning him, and yet he was the man who had commanded men in

sixty-six battles, and who had been promoted from one rank to another to the place of major

general of volunteers at the time he returned home.(5) He was the man that McKinley selected

for a place in his cabinet, and he was the man who was selected as senator from his state.



I am not sure that I can think of the name of another one whom I wish to mention.  If I am not

making this story too long, turn your thoughts for a moment to the house of representatives, to a

man that we called Pete Hepburn.(6) He was captain of his company, and rose to lieutenant

colonel of his regiment; was twenty-two years in Congress.  Henderson,(7) the speaker of the

house, enlisted in the Twelfth Iowa.  After serving until he had lost a leg in battle he was

mustered out, but as soon as it was healed was in the service again, and was commander of a

regiment.



There is another Henderson, T.J. Henderson,(8) commander of an Illinois regiment, who was

brevetted brigadier general for meritorious services at the battle of Franklin, Tenn.  He was

chairman of the appropriations committee in the house a long time.



Thomas B. Reed served a year on a gunboat.



I now recall one other name, Warren,(9) the senator from Wyoming, another man whose name is

not often mentioned in the newspaper read by the average man.  He too was a private soldier in

the Forty-ninth Massachusetts, and a medal-of-honor man.  After he had served his time he went

west before Wyoming was even a territory, and was active in organizing it.  He was twice

governor by appointment, and when it became a state he was elected its first governor, and is

now serving his fourth term as senator.  



I have been giving you these personal references for the purpose of reminding you that all the

great legislation from the time of the Civil War down to this time has been under the direction

and control of men who were disciplined in the ranks of the army; of men who knew while they

were serving in the army that they were serving the Union, and knew that while they were

fighting the battles of the country they were offering themselves to death that the Union might

live.  Were these men saving the nation for the purpose of inflicting upon it corrupt legislation

afterwards?  Have these men who carried the gun that represents service in the ranks of the

army these men who have been elected for public life year after year by their neighbors and

friends, who know them personally have these men been misgoverning and misguiding the

nation?  There were about thirty millions of people in the United States when we came home;

there are nearly ninety-three millions now.  I think there were sixty-eight thousand manufactories

then; there are two hundred and sixty-five thousand now.  There were but little over thirty-five

thousand miles of railway then; there are two hundred and sixty thousand miles of railway in the

United States now.



The money deposited in the banks of the United States when we enlisted   in all the banks 

amounted to a trifle less than four hundred and fifty millions of dollars.  The money deposited in

the savings banks alone to-day exceeds four thousand millions of dollars; add that to the money

deposited in the other banks, and you have a total deposit of something over fifteen thousand

millions of dollars in all banks.  These vast sums give you some idea of the growth of the

business of this country, and yet you can form but little conception of it from the mere recitation

of numbers. When we enlisted the nighborhood [sic] shoemaker did the work for the

neighborhood, but now somebody must do the work of making shoes for ninety millions of

people.  Somebody must see that every day the necessary materials and supplies are on hand. 

Somebody must see to the vast transportation that carries the goods, and that the work of the

transportation army is carried on.  And this great work has been done under the direction of the

men who served during the Civil War, and who learned there the value and the force of

organization.  In every community and in every business the men who learned the value and the

power of organization are the men who have directed and built up the business of the locality.



There is but little now to add.  The value of liberty depends upon the use made of it.  Here is the

greatest nation on the face of the earth.  One-half of all the railroads of the earth are in this

nation; one-half of all the telegraph lines are in this nation; one-half of all the newspapers and

public schools and libraries are here.  More than half the bank power of the whole world is here. 

The commerce between these great states of ours is more than the commerce of Europe, Asia,

and Africa, with all the countries of the world.  And all this great wealth, this great business,

which has been built up by the generation that fought the battles for the preservation of the

Union, is ready at your hand for the strength and the power and the glory of the nation.  What are

you to do with it?  Ninety millions of people now; and at the same rate of increase in another fifty

years there will be one hundred and twenty millions; and in another fifty years there will be two

hundred millions of people.  How will they live?  What kind of government will they have?



The men who fought the battles for the preservation of the Union also fought the battle for the

preservation of the constitution.  But mankind will change; there will be new peoples on the

earth; there will be a new set of teachers to construe the constitution.  Even now there are those

who say that it was made when the nation was young and we have outgrown it; and that the

clothes of the infant and of the child are too small for the full-grown man.  And yet no one

suggests a single line of the constitution that will be repealed; no one says which line of it is

without force now, and without value now.  It is the law of the land that regulates the relations of

the states to each other and regulates the relation of the people to the national government.  Men

died that it might remain.  Under it men have built this great nation, this great wealth, this great

business which I have been talking to you about.  And now is it to be set aside as useless, the

machinery provided by it to be broken in pieces and new methods installed?  And what new

methods?



I do not care to discuss the future.  I just want to remind you that this present-day teaching brings

to our minds the very beginnings of our race, when our ancestors were meeting under the oaks

and making laws in what they called the "folkmoot."  This meeting of all the people was for the

purpose of considering and passing laws.  The laws were proposed, and then the people went

home and hewed each other with swords until they decided which set was the biggest, and that

set decided about the next meeting.  That was the initiative and referendum then.  Next there was

the assembly of the wise men, the "witenagemot," these being selected so as to include their best

men, and these selected men proposed and passed laws for the government of all.  And so the

development of government went on, a step at a time, and finally came the Magna Carta, and it

was only liberty for the few.  Then, centuries after that, came the Mayflower, the colonies and the

charters; but the charters came from the king and not from parliament, and the colonists lived

under the charters and owed their allegiance to the king.  They objected to parliament demanding

obedience from them and levying tribute upon them.  They were willing to do whatever the

charter said they were to do for the king, but not for parliament; and then came the battle.  After

it was over came the constitution, made by representatives chosen by the people.



Is the constitution too old?  The charter of Connecticut was given by Charles the Second, and

was the constitution until 1818.  The charter of Rhode Island, given by the same king, was its

constitution until 1842.  The law made Rhode Island, giving authority for the organization and

government of counties and townships and school districts, was substantially the same as the law

of Kansas.  The law providing for the creation of new townships and counties of Kansas is

substantially the same as the law of Rhode Island written in 1734.  The organic law of the land is

one of the foundations of national character.  It grows by development, not by repeals and

changes.  It not only guards and protects, but it also guides and directs the people in all real

progress, all sound national development.



An uneasy desire for organic change is one of the worst diseases that can afflict any people.  The

centrifugal forces of society seem now to be at work in every direction, trying to ascertain

whether what has been done is not wrong in some way, or trying to ascertain whether there is not

some new way, some better way.  These forces forget that this great fabric which has been built

has been built by the men who learned the value of power and of organization by their service in

the army.  And they knew that obedience to legitimate authority is the first duty of every human

being, for definite moral authority is a reality and not a mere speculation.  Human society is

something nobler than a mere convenience.  The nation is something greater than the sum of its

individuals.  One of the duties of government is the welfare of the citizen, but the highest duty of

every citizen is the welfare of the nation.  The instinct of our civilization is to its preservation,

because it is in some way harmonious with the divine purpose of the world.



I have not said what I intended to when I came.  I intended to give you more instances, if I could,

of the men who have served the country well both in business and public life, who came from the

ranks of the private soldier got their discipline there.  I am unable to recall it all as I intended to,

but I have detained you long enough.  However, if I have fixed in your mind the value to this

nation, during its civil life since the war, of the men who fought its battles for the preservation of

the Union, my object is accomplished.  Hardly any beginning in any community in the state was

made without them.  The very trees in the statehouse ground were planted by men who were led

by Tom Anderson, and so in other places.  Go to any county seat in the state and you will find the

effect of the men who laid the foundation of the civil life of the state.  Go to any community from

the Missouri river to the Pacific ocean, and you will find that the beginning of the community,

the beginning of the organization of it, was the work of some man who had served his term as a

soldier.



May I ask you now to think about our might national life, its great place in civilization, its

relationship to the other nations of the earth.  To remember the fact that here in America is a

great people, with millions of population, millions of wealth, governing themselves; governing

themselves by representatives chosen by the voluntary action of free men; governing themselves

by laws made by representatives chosen by the action of free men?  And yet this great nation

does not consist so much in its laws and its officers as in the fact that citizens of this republic are

willing to be obedient to laws.  Nineteen-twentieths of all that men do is done because men

believe it ought to be done.  We have done right because we believe men ought to do right, and

not because there is either law or government.  Law and the government and the force of law are

for men who choose to do wrong, for men who attempt to do what ought not to be done.



Now in this young commonwealth it has been a labor of love with your Historical Society to

gather together the history of the beginnings of the state, the history of its heroic men and

women, to make a record of it and to preserve it.  It is a noble history.  And the nation has a noble 

history and a great history.  No other land has one like it.  No other nation developed a

citizenship like ours.  What is it all for?  What is it all for if it be not to fulfill a divine purpose; it

it be not to lead the nations of the earth toward that purpose, in the fulfillment of which every

effort of ours, even this, has its place.  As it carries forward the national life to the fulfillment of

that great purpose, and we look forward through the centuries that are to come to the millions

that are to live here, we can believe that on the foundations which these men have laid, upon

every battlefield and by every patriot grave, a national life is to be built in which they will dwell

secure and happy and noble.  I thank you.



--------



At the close of Mr. Calderhead's speech, Mr. Jesse S. Langston arose and said: "I have in my

possession, and have had for forty-six years, a picture of one who I have reason to believe has

lived long almost touching lives with Comrade Calderhead.  This picture was handed to me by

one of his comrades.  If I am not mistaken, he served in the company with Comrade Calderhead;

they have slept under the same blanket and drunk out of the same canteen.  Since the war I have

tried to learn his name and whereabouts, but have been unable to do so.  I have written many

letters to Grand Army posts, but I have failed to find him, so I wish to present this picture to

Comrade Calderhead, hoping he may live to carry it forty-six years, as I have done, and may

God's choicest blessings rest upon him during all that time."



Mr. Calderhead responded as follows: "This is Tim Lamaster, the drummer in our company.  I

certainly appreciate this more than I can tell you."



-------



NOTE 1.--[Biography of WILLIAM ALEXANDER CALDERHEAD].



NOTE 2.--SAMUEL J. CRAWFORD, captain company E, Second Kansas infantry; enlisted

June 20, 1861; on reorganization of regiment was retained in service and transferred to company

A, Second Kansas cavalry; promoted colonel of the Second regiment colored volunteers, later

knows as the Eighty-third U.S. infantry, December 6, 1863.



NEHEMIAH GREEN, mustered into the Eighty-ninth Ohio infantry August 8, 1862, and

appointed first lieutenant of company B August 21, same year.  From overexertion and exposure

hemorrhages were brought on, and he was forced to resign January 27, 1863.  He enlisted in the

One Hundred and Fifty-third Ohio infantry, company G, May 2, 1864, and was appointed

sergeant major May 10, serving until September 9, 1864, when he was mustered out with his

regiment.



JAMES M. HARVEY, mustered in August 7, 1861, as captain of company G, Tenth Kansas

infantry; mustered out with regiment August 19, 1864.



EDMUND N. MORRILL, mustered in October 5, 1861, as private in company C, Seventh

Kansas cavalry; promoted sergeant October 10, 1861; promoted captain and commissary of

subsistence U.S.V. August 27, 1862; brevetted major October 21, 1865; (Edward N. Morrill)

mustered out August 26, 1865.



GEO. T. ANTHONY, captain of the Seventeenth New York battery; mustered in August 26,

1862; served till close of war.



JOHN P. ST. JOHN, served as captain of company C, Sixty-eighth Illinois volunteer infantry;

mustered in June 20, 1862; mustered out September 20, 1862.



JOHN A. MARTIN, colonel of the Eighth Kansas volunteer infantry; mustered in November 1,

1861; mustered out November 15, 1864.



LYMAN U. HUMPHREY, private, company I, Seventy-sixth regiment Ohio volunteer infantry;

enlisted October 7, 1861; promoted to second lieutenant company D May 25, 1864; transferred to

company E October 25, 1864; promoted to first lieutenant company I January 6, 1865; acting

adjutant since July 1, 1865; mustered out with company July 15, 1865.



JOHN W. LEEDY. "In 1864, at age of fifteen, he attempted to enlist in the Federal service in a

company of volunteers then leaving Richland county, Ohio, for the Army of the Potomac, but on

account of his age and the protest of his mother he was not accepted.  He remained with the

company, however, and participated in the campaigns and battles of the regiment to which it was

assigned until the close of the war." National Cyclopedia of American Biography, vol. 8, p. 347.



GEORGE W. GLICK, first corporal of company B, Eighteenth regiment of infantry, Kansas state

militia; called out October 8, 1864, by Gov. Thomas Carney; relieved from duty October 29,

1864.



NOTE 3.--"Early in December, 1862, Colonel Quay returned to duty, but so much reduced by

disease that he soon after resigned....Colonel Quay, though in a feeble state of health, unwilling

that the regiment should go into battle without him, volunteered as an aid on the staff of General

Tyler, and served throughout the battle.  General Tyler bears this testimony of his services in his

official report: 'Col. M.S. Quay, late of the One Hundred and Thirty-fourth, was upon my staff as

volunteer aid-de-camp, and to him I am greatly indebted.  Notwithstanding his enfeebled health,

he was in the saddle early and late, every prompt and efficient, and especially so during the

engagement.'" History of Pennsylvania Volunteers, Samuel P. Bates, vol. 4, p. 283.



NOTE 4.--STEPHEN B. ELKINS was captain of company H, Seventy-seventh Missouri

regiment. Annual Report, Adjutant General State of Missouri, 1863, p. 516.



NOTE 5. RUSSELL ALEXANDER ALGER, commissioned captain of company C, Second

Michigan cavalry October 30, 1862; colonel Fifth Michigan cavalry June 11, 1863; brevetted

brigadier general and major general of volunteers June 11, 1865. Heitman's Historical Register

U.S. Army, vol. 1, p. 157.



NOTE 6. WILLIAM PETERS HEPBURN commissioned captain of company B, Second Iowa

cavalry, August 14, 1861, mustered into United States service August 30, 1861; promoted to

major September 13, 1861, and to lieutenant colonel July 1, 1862. Adjutant General's Report,

State of Iowa,vol. 2, 1863, pp. 393, 401.



NOTE 7. DAVID BREMNER HENDERSON enlisted in company C, Twelfth Iowa infantry;

commissioned first lieutenant October 24, 1861; discharged February 26, 1863, on account of

disability, having lost a leg at Corinth, October 4, 1862.  He reentered the army as colonel of the

Forty-sixth Iowa infantry, commissioned June 9, 1864, and served until the close of the

war. Adjutant General's Report, State of Iowa, 1863, vol. 1, p. 446; 1864-'65, p. 122.



NOTE 8. THOMAS JEFFERSON HENDERSON entered the army as colonel of the One

Hundred and Twelfth Illinois volunteers, commissioned September 22, 1862; promoted brevet

brigadier general November 30, 1864; mustered out June 20, 1865. Adjutant General's Report,

State of Illinois, vol. 6, p. 149 (reprint of 1900).



NOTE 9. FRANCIS EMROY WARREN at the age of eighteen enlisted in the Forty-ninth

Massachusetts regiment and became a noncommissioned officer in company C; he received the

congressional medal of honor for gallantry on the battlefield at the siege of Port

Hudson. Congressional Directory, Fifty-ninth Congress, p. 139.